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A growing share of working parents and an aging population have put pressure on more than American workers as they balance family caregiving responsibilities and work obligations. Amid these changes, the event of paid family and medical leave has captured the attention of policymakers and advocates across the political and ideological spectrum.

A new report conducted by Pew Enquiry Center finds that Americans largely support paid get out, and most supporters say employers, rather than the federal or state government, should cover the costs. Still, the public is sharply divided over whether the government should crave employers to provide this benefit or let employers decide for themselves, and relatively few meet expanding paid leave every bit a acme policy priority.

While majorities of adults express support for paid leave for mothers and fathers later the nascency or adoption of their child, as well equally for workers who need to intendance for a family member with a serious health condition or to deal with their own medical issues, back up is greater in some cases than in others. Near eight-in-x Americans (82%) say mothers should have paid maternity leave, while fewer (69%) support paid paternity leave. And those who favor paid maternity and paternity leave say mothers should receive considerably more than fourth dimension off than fathers (a median of 8.6 weeks off for mothers vs. 4.3 weeks for fathers).

At that place is also broader support for paid leave for workers dealing with their own serious health status (85% say workers should exist paid in these situations) than there is for those caring for a family member who is seriously ill (67% favor paid go out for these workers).

The wide-ranging written report of public attitudes nigh paid family unit and medical get out also included nearly 6,000 interviews with Americans who take recently taken get out (or were unable to take leave when they needed or wanted to practise and then), in lodge to reflect direct personal experiences too every bit policy views. The survey finds that 64% of those who took exit in the past ii years say they received at least some pay during their time off. A big bulk of them (79%) say that some or office of that pay came from vacation days, sick leave or paid time off (PTO) they had accrued prior to their leave. Just xx% of those who got paid – or 13% of all "leave takers" – say they had access to family and medical get out benefits paid by their employer.

Annotation on terminology

Throughout this report, when referring to attitudes toward paid go out policies, the terms "family and medical leave" or leave from piece of work for "family or medical reasons" refer to time off following the birth or adoption of ane's child, to care for a family member with a serious health status, or to bargain with i's serious wellness status.

In order to distinguish between the experiences of those who took time off from work (or who needed or wanted to take time off but were unable to do so) under different circumstances, the term "parental leave" refers to taking fourth dimension off from work post-obit the birth or adoption of a child; "family unit leave" refers to taking at least five days off from work to intendance for a family unit member with a serious wellness condition; and "medical leave" refers to taking at to the lowest degree v days off from work to bargain with one's ain serious health condition.

The study reveals a sharp income divide in the mode workers navigate these situations. Middle- and higher-income leave takers are much more than probable than their lower-income counterparts to have access to paid fourth dimension off – whether through a specific employer-provided paid leave benefit or by using accrued fourth dimension off. Six-in-ten leave takers with household incomes betwixt $thirty,000 and $74,999, and an even higher share (74%) of those with incomes of $75,000 or more than, say they received at to the lowest degree some pay when they took time off from work for family or medical reasons. In dissimilarity, only 37% of leave takers with annual household incomes under $30,000 say they received pay. Many lower-income leave takers say they faced difficult financial tradeoffs during their time away from work, including 48% among those who took unpaid or partially paid parental leave who say they went on public assistance in guild to cover lost wages or salary.

The need for family and medical leave – whether paid or unpaid – is broadly felt across the The states. Roughly half-dozen-in-ten Americans (62%) say they take taken or are very probable to take time off from work for family or medical reasons at some betoken. Among adults who have been employed in the past two years, about a quarter (27%) say that they took time off during this period following the birth or adoption of their child, to care for a family member with a serious wellness condition, or to deal with their own serious health condition. In addition, 16% of Americans who were employed in the past two years report that there was a time during this period when they needed or wanted to have fourth dimension off from work but were unable to practice and then.

Those who weren't able to take exit when they needed or wanted to tend to be among the nation'due south lower-income workers. Among adults employed in the by two years with almanac household incomes nether $30,000, three-in-ten say they were unable to take leave when they needed or wanted to at some point in the by two years. By comparison, but 14% of those with incomes of $30,000 or more than fall into this category. Across income groups, those who didn't take time off when they needed or wanted to cite fiscal concerns more than than whatever other reason when asked why they didn't take time off from piece of work when they needed or wanted to; well-nigh seven-in-10 (72%) say they couldn't beget to lose wages or bacon. This is besides the reason cited almost often by those who were able to have some time off but wish they had taken more.

These findings are based on two nationally representative online surveys conducted past Pew Research Center with support from Pivotal Ventures: i a survey of 2,029 randomly selected U.S. adults conducted November. 17-Dec. 1, 2016, and the other a survey of 5,934 randomly selected U.S. adults ages xviii to 70 who take taken – or who needed or wanted but were unable to take – parental, family unit or medical leave in the past two years, conducted Nov.17-Dec.14, 2016. ane

The report also finds that adults who are employed or looking for piece of work value flexibility equally much every bit they value having paid family unit or medical exit. When asked what benefits or work arrangements help them most or would help almost personally, about as many cite existence able to choose when they piece of work their hours (28%) every bit cite having paid family or medical exit (27%); about one-in-5 (22%) say having flexibility to work from home would aid them the about.

However, among those who have taken leave in the past two years or have needed or wanted to exercise so, having paid leave for family or medical reasons is cited equally beingness the almost helpful more than any other benefits or work arrangements. Nearly four-in-ten (38%) in this group indicate to paid family or medical leave, while the second-most cited detail – having flexibility to choose their schedule – is seen as nearly helpful by 24% of those who take taken leave or needed or wanted to exercise so in contempo years.

The changing demographic mural in the U.South.

The long-term rise in U.Due south. women's labor strength participation, specially amongst mothers, has led to an increasing share of infants living in homes where all parents are working. In 2016, 50% of children younger than 1 year of age were living in such an organisation – 40% with two working parents and x% with a single working parent. Thirty years earlier, this share was 39%; and in 1976, simply 20% of infants were living in a home where all parents were working.

Meanwhile, equally the elderly population in the U.S. continues to abound, the number of people involved in informal caregiving of older adults is expected to rise. About 15% of the population was ages 65 or older in 2015, and projections propose that past 2050 about i-in-five (22%) Americans volition fall into this category. These older people are more than likely to be employed than in the past; in 2016 well-nigh one-in-five people ages 65 or older were however working, upwards from 12% in 1980, co-ordinate to Pew Inquiry Center analysis of Current Population Survey data.

In recent years, 25 meg working people reported that they provided unpaid care to someone with an crumbling-related condition in the previous three to iv months – 16% of the employed noncombatant population in the U.S., according to Agency of Labor Statistics (BLS) American Time Utilise Survey data. And for some people family caregiving is a multigenerational endeavor. A 2015 Pew Research Center survey found that well-nigh one-half (47%) of adults ages 40 to 59 had at least one parent ages 65 or older, and were also either raising a child younger than xviii, or had given financial support to an adult child in the past year.

More than ever, caregiving responsibilities extend to both women and men. While in 1965 married fathers living with their children spent about ii.5 hours a week on kid care, that number rose to seven hours a week by 2015. In comparison, moms spent about 15 hours a calendar week caring for their child in 2015. And when information technology comes to providing care for older adults, men and women are similarly likely to have washed then in the prior three to 4 months. Among the employed civilian population, about 15% of men say as much, as practice 18% of women, according to the BLS.

Nigh supporters of paid leave say pay should come from employers rather than from land or federal authorities

Most iii-quarters of Americans who support paid exit for mothers (74%) or fathers (76%) following the birth or adoption of a child say pay for fourth dimension off should come from employers, and a similar share (72%) of those who favor paid medical get out for workers with a serious health condition say the same. When information technology comes to who should cover the cost of paid get out for workers when they accept time off to care for a family unit member with a serious health condition, a smaller majority (59%) of paid-leave supporters say pay should come from employers, while almost two-in-x say information technology should come up from federal (22%) or state (xx%) government.

The majority of paid-leave supporters across the political spectrum are more likely to look to employers rather than to government to embrace the costs of providing this benefit, although Democrats express more support for government-paid family and medical leave than exercise Republicans. For example, about a third (32%) of Democrats who say workers should have paid leave from piece of work to deal with their own serious wellness status say pay should come from either the federal or land government, compared with 21% of Republican supporters of paid medical leave. And while 45% of Democrats who support paid exit for workers who take time off to intendance for a seriously ill family member say the authorities should pay for this benefit, 31% of Republicans who support paid leave for this reason say the same. More modest but still pregnant partisan differences are likewise evident on views of who should pay when mothers and fathers take exit.

Overall, Democrats are more supportive of paid leave than are Republicans and independents, though at least 3-quarters of each grouping say mothers should accept access to paid maternity exit and that workers should be able to have paid get out to deal with their own serious health status. Democrats, Republicans and independents are less supportive of paid leave for fathers and for workers who demand to care for a family member with a serious health condition than they are of paid maternity and medical leave. Still, most Democrats and independents – and just over half of Republicans – limited back up for paid leave in each of these 2 situations.

Women and immature adults also generally limited more support for paid leave than do men and those ages 30 and older. For example, 82% of adults ages xviii to 29 say fathers should exist able to take paid leave following the nativity or adoption of their child, compared with 76% of those ages 30 to 49, 61% of those l to 64, and 55% of adults 65 and older.

Despite the broad back up for paid get out, a Pew Research Center survey conducted January. four-9, 2017, about the public's policy priorities for President Donald Trump and Congress in the coming year finds that relatively few Americans (35%) see expanding access to paid family and medical leave as a summit policy priority. In fact, expanding access to paid family unit and medical get out ranks at the bottom of a list of 21 policy items, forth with improving transportation and dealing with drug addiction.

About see at least some benefits for employers that provide paid go out

While Americans tend to favor employer-paid over government-paid leave for family unit or medical reasons, there is no consensus when it comes to a federal authorities mandate: About as many say the government should require employers to provide paid leave (51%) every bit say employers should be able to decide for themselves (48%). Opposition to a federal mandate is highest among those who oppose paid exit; among those who back up paid family or medical leave, including those who say employers should pay, more say the government should require employers to offer this benefit than say it should be the employers' decision.

Still, regardless of whether they back up a federal government mandate, near Americans think employers stand to benefit from providing paid family and medical go out. About three-quarters (74%) of the public says employers that provide paid leave are more probable than those that don't to attract and keep good workers; 78% of those who favor a regime mandate and lxx% of those who say employers should decide for themselves share this view.

Assessments of the overall impact of paid family unit and medical leave on employers are more mixed: 53% say universal admission to paid leave would have a positive affect on employers, while 46% say the overall impact would be negative. When asked specifically virtually the impact on small businesses, the rest of opinion is decidedly negative. Roughly 6-in-ten Americans (58%) say that universal admission to paid leave would accept a very or somewhat negative impact on small-scale businesses, while 41% think the affect would exist generally positive. Past comparison, in that location is significant consensus around the potential benefits to women and families, with about six-in-10 Americans expecting "very positive" results. Overall, about two-thirds or more say the touch on of universal paid get out on families (94%), women (93%), men (88%) and the economic system (65%) would be at least somewhat positive.

The public as well makes a distinction between employers in general and pocket-size businesses in assessments of the trade-offs they may need to make in order to provide paid family unit and medical get out. About six-in-ten (59%) say most employers that provide paid leave tin can beget to practice so without reducing salaries or other benefits. In contrast, a bulk (69%) say most pocket-size businesses that offer paid leave have to cut back on salaries and other benefits in order to exercise and so.

At that place's no public consensus on the all-time policy approach for providing paid family unit and medical leave. In general, the public has a more than positive view of policies that incentivize employers or employees rather than those that create a new government fund to finance and administrate the do good.

Some 45% of Americans say they would strongly favor the government providing tax credits to whatsoever employer that provides paid leave. And roughly four-in-ten (39%) express strong support for allowing workers to set aside monthly pretax contributions into a personal account that tin be withdrawn if they need to take leave from work.

At that place is less support for a program where the government would provide paid leave to whatsoever worker who needs it using funding from new or higher taxes on wealthy people or corporations – 28% strongly favor this approach. Similarly, 24% strongly favor the establishment of a authorities fund for all employers and employees to pay into through payroll contributions that would provide paid exit to any worker who needed it.

Back up for new regime programs that would provide paid family and medical exit to all workers that need it is far stronger amid Democrats than among Republicans or independents. Some 44% of Democrats say they would strongly support a regime paid get out programme funded by new or higher taxes on wealthy people or corporations, compared with well-nigh a quarter (24%) of independents and just 11% of Republicans. And while about a 3rd (34%) of Democrats express strong back up for a authorities paid get out fund that all employers and employees would pay into through payroll contributions, smaller shares of independents (20%) and of Republicans (fifteen%) say they would strongly favor this approach.

Democrats are likewise more than likely than Republicans or independents to say they would strongly support the government providing taxation credits to employers that provide paid family and medical exit: Well-nigh half (53%) of Democrats limited strong support for this approach, compared with about four-in-ten Republicans (37%) and independents (41%).

The vast bulk of Americans (85%) say that, if the regime were to provide paid family unit and medical exit, the benefit should be bachelor to all workers, regardless of their income, rather than being more narrowly targeted to those with low incomes. When it comes to paid parental leave specifically, most three-quarters (73%) believe that if the government were to provide this benefit, it should be bachelor to both mothers and fathers.

Almost seven-in-ten fathers who have paternity get out return to work inside two weeks

Most Americans (63%) believe that mothers mostly want to take more time off from piece of work than fathers afterwards the birth or adoption of their child, and more say employers put greater pressure on fathers to render to piece of work speedily (49%) than say mothers face more pressure (18%) or that both face up almost the same amount of pressure (33%) from employers.

The survey of adults who took leave or who needed or wanted to take leave merely weren't able to do and then finds that amidst fathers who took at least some fourth dimension off from piece of work following the nascency or adoption of their child in the past ii years, the median length of exit was one week; well-nigh 7-in-ten (72%) say they took two weeks or less off from work. In dissimilarity, the median length of maternity get out was 11 weeks. Among mothers with household incomes under $30,000, however, the median length of leave was six weeks, compared with 10 weeks for those with incomes between $thirty,000 and $74,999 and 12 weeks for mothers with household incomes of $75,000 or more.

For the most part, mothers and fathers who took parental exit in the by two years say taking fourth dimension off did not take much of an bear on – either positive or negative – on their task or career; 60% say this is the example. Still, women are most twice equally likely as men to say taking fourth dimension off following the birth or adoption of their child had a negative impact (25% vs. 13%, respectively).

But over one-half (56%) of parental-leave takers say they took less time off from work following the birth or adoption of their child than they needed or wanted to, while 7% say they took more than fourth dimension off and 36% say they took virtually as much time off as they needed or wanted to. Some 59% of fathers and 53% of mothers say they wish they had taken more fourth dimension off from work than they did post-obit the nativity or adoption of their child.

Smaller but substantial shares of those who took fourth dimension off from work to intendance for a family unit member with a serious health status or to deal with their own health event besides say they took less fourth dimension off from work than they needed or wanted to take (40% and 38%, respectively).

Fiscal concerns top the list of reasons why those who took leave for parental, family or medical reasons say they took less fourth dimension off than they needed or wanted to. About vii-in-ten (69%) leave takers who returned to piece of work more quickly than they would have liked to say they couldn't afford to lose more than wages or bacon. About half (47%) say they thought they might risk losing their job, while 41% say they felt badly almost co-workers taking on additional work. About a third thought taking more time off might injure their chances for chore advancement (34%) or felt that no one else was capable of doing their job (33%). And almost a quarter (23%) of those who took less time off than they had needed or wanted to say their employer denied their request for more than time off.

Many leave takers take on debt or use savings in order to embrace lost wages

Most Americans who took time off from work in the past two years for parental, family or medical reasons report that they received at least some pay during this time, with well-nigh one-half (47%) proverb they received full pay; sixteen% say they received just some of their regular pay and 36% say they received no pay at all. Lower-income leave takers, every bit well every bit those without a bachelor's degree, are particularly likely to say they received only some or no pay. For example, among leave takers with household incomes of $75,000 or more, roughly six-in-ten (58%) say they received the same amount as their regular pay, while 15% received fractional pay and about a quarter (26%) were non paid. In contrast, only 22% of those with incomes nether $30,000 report that they received full pay, while 14% received just some of their regular pay and a bulk (62%) received no pay during their time off from work.

Exit takers who did non receive their total wages or salary when they took parental, family unit or medical leave say they had to brand sacrifices, such as cutting back on spending, dipping into savings, or cut their go out short, to recoup for the loss of income. Some, particularly those with lower incomes, took more consequential measures, such as taking on debt, putting off paying their bills, and going on public assistance.

Roughly six-in-ten (57%) parental-leave takers with household incomes under $thirty,000 who did not receive their full pay when they took fourth dimension off from work following the birth or adoption of their child say they took on debt to deal with the loss of wages or salary; almost half say they went on public assistance (48%) or put off paying their bills (46%).

While virtually Americans are supportive of mothers and fathers taking leave from work – and receiving pay – following the birth or adoption of a child, many see mothers, and women in general, equally more apt caregivers. The survey finds that a bulk (71%) of Americans think it's of import for new babies to have equal time to bond with their mothers and their fathers, while about a quarter (27%) think information technology'south more than important to bond with their mothers and just ii% say it's more important for them to bail with their fathers. Simply when information technology comes to caring for a new infant, more say that, aside from breast-feeding, mothers practice a better job than say both mothers and fathers do near an as proficient job (53% vs. 45%); merely 1% say fathers do a better chore than mothers in caring for a new baby.

The public offers more gender-balanced views when asked who would do a better task caring for a family member with serious health status – 59% say men and women would do an every bit practiced job. All the same, four-in-ten say women would do a better job in this state of affairs (1% say men would).

Older adults and Republicans – specially those who describe their political views as bourgeois – are particularly likely to say that it's more of import for new babies to accept more than fourth dimension to bond with their mothers than with their fathers and that mothers do a better task caring for a new babe.

Attitudes about gender roles and caregiving are linked, at least in part, to views about the impact of paid get out on men, as well equally to support for paid paternity leave. Generally, adults with more gender-counterbalanced views virtually mothers and fathers as caregivers for new babies are far more supportive of paid paternity leave than are those who say mothers are meliorate caregivers. Those with more gender-counterbalanced views are also more likely to say universal paid exit would have a very positive impact on men.

For example, among those who say mothers and fathers practice about an equally skilful task caring for a new baby, 78% limited support for paid paternity exit and half say universal paid exit would take a very positive impact on men. Past comparing, among adults who say mothers do a better task, these shares are 61% and 37%, respectively. Pregnant differences remain when controlling for factors such every bit gender, age and political credo, which are associated with support of paid leave for fathers and the bear on of universal paid leave on men in general as well as with attitudes about gender and caregiving.

The residue of this report examines in greater detail the public'southward views near paid exit likewise equally the experiences of workers who accept taken parental, family or medical get out in the past two years. Capacity i-4 focus on findings from the survey of the general public. Chapter one looks at the public'south evaluations of different paid get out policies, including who Americans think should be covered likewise as who should pay. Chapter 2 explores assessments of the bear upon of paid leave on families, the economic system, employers and employees. Chapter 3 looks at workers' assessments of the benefits they receive from their employers and how family and medical leave fits in to the broader benefits landscape. Chapter 4 explores views of gender and caregiving.

Affiliate v examines the experiences of those who took leave and those who weren't able to take leave when they needed or wanted to do so. It looks at whether or not those who were able to have get out received whatever pay during this time and how they coped with the loss of income if they did not receive total pay. It also explores reasons why some people render to work sooner than they wish to after taking parental, family or medical get out, and why some aren't able to take time off from piece of work at all when they need or desire to do so. Finally, Chapter 6 provides some quotes from eight focus groups of recent parental- and family-get out takers to illustrate the diverse and complex experiences of leave takers.

Other key findings

  • Americans limited some business that paid family and medical get out benefits can exist abused. Some 55% retrieve it is at least somewhat common for workers who have access to this benefit to abuse information technology past taking fourth dimension off from work when they don't need to; 44% say this isn't especially common.
  • Nearly workers are at least somewhat satisfied with the benefits their employer provides (69%) and believe their employer cares a slap-up deal or a fair corporeality nearly the personal well-being of their employees (66%). These assessments vary considerably past income, however; only about half of workers with household incomes under $30,000 express some satisfaction with their benefits and say their employer cares about their employees' well-being, compared with majorities of those with higher incomes.
  • Three-in-ten leave takers say it was difficult for them to learn near what leave benefits, if whatever, were available to them when they needed to take time off from piece of work for parental, family unit or medical reasons, and this is particularly the case amid those with a loftier school diploma or less and with lower incomes. Leave takers with lower incomes and those without a bachelor's caste are besides less likely to say their supervisor and co-workers were very supportive when they took get out from work.
  • Amongst those who took time off from work to treat a family fellow member with a serious wellness condition in the past two years, women (65%) are far more likely than men (44%) to say they were the primary caregiver. Family-get out takers ages 65 and older were more than likely than those who are younger to say they were caring for their spouse or partner during this fourth dimension, while those ages 50 to 64 were particularly likely to be caring for one of their parents.

Throughout this report, when referring to attitudes toward paid exit policies, the terms "family and medical leave" and "taking time off from piece of work for family or medical reasons" refer to taking fourth dimension off following the birth or adoption of one'southward child, to care for a family member with a serious health condition, or to deal with one'due south ain serious wellness condition. In order to distinguish between the experiences of those who took time off from work (or who needed or wanted to have time off but weren't able to do so), the term "parental leave" refers specifically to time taken off from piece of work following the nascency or adoption of one'southward child; "family get out" refers to taking at least five days off from work to care for a family fellow member with a serious health condition; and "medical exit" refers to taking at least v days off from work to deal with one'due south ain serious health condition.

"Leave takers" refers to those who were employed in the by two years and took fourth dimension off from work during this time following the birth or adoption of their child, to care for a family unit member with a serious health status, or to deal with their ain serious health condition. "Paid go out" refers specifically to paid leave for parental, family or medical reasons.

References to whites and blacks include but those who are non-Hispanic and identify as only 1 race. Hispanics are of whatever race.

References to college graduates or people with a college degree contain those with a bachelor's degree or more than. "Some college" refers to those with a two-year caste or those who attended college only did not obtain a degree. "High school" refers to those who take attained a high school diploma or its equivalent, such as a General Pedagogy Evolution (GED) certificate.